home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990
/
1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
/
time
/
021389
/
02138900.044
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1990-09-17
|
6KB
|
129 lines
NATION, Page 30"I Want to Be the President's Man"By Michael Kramer, John Stacks, Christopher Ogden, James Baker
Shortly before his confirmation, the new Secretary of State
spoke to chief of correspondents John Stacks, special correspondent
Michael Kramer and diplomatic correspondent Christopher Ogden.
Excerpts:
Q. Do you agree with National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft
that Mikhail Gorbachev's "peace offensive" is designed to make
trouble for the Western Alliance?
A. We ought to recognize that the Soviet Union remains a very
heavily armed power with interests that are adverse to the U.S. I
don't think it has departed from what has been Soviet policy for
a long, long time, and that is to test the Alliance, to probe, to
look for weaknesses.
Q. But should we encourage Gorbachev's efforts?
A. I'm not one of those who believe we should hope for failure,
that somehow failure will result in a weaker Soviet Union and that
will be better for the U.S. It's a case of our wanting to see that
experiment succeed in opening up that society and seeing the
Soviets recognize that Communism has not succeeded. At the same
time, I don't think success or failure depends on what we do. We
must continue to approach this relationship with prudence, realism,
and to be reserved and not go overboard here just because we see
a change.
Q. Should the Soviet Union be included in a Middle East peace
conference?
A. The policy of the outgoing Administration was to support
the concept of an international conference provided -- big proviso
-- it was properly structured and provided its purpose was to lead
to direct negotiations between the parties. I see no reason why we
would depart from the policy with those provisos. We don't oppose
categorically a Soviet role. But we do think it's important that
any such role be a constructive one, and we would like to see them
demonstrate this through action, not just words. One way would be
to restore full diplomatic relations with Israel, to continue to
permit greater emigration and to stop supporting states that
support terrorism, such as Libya.
Q. What leverage does the U.S. have in the Middle East?
A. The U.S. is and can be the most influential player. But it
is important that we not permit the perception to develop that we
can deliver peace, that we can deliver Israeli concessions. If
there is going to be lasting peace, it will be the result of direct
negotiations between the parties, not something mandated or
delivered by anybody from the outside, including the U.S. We must
do whatever we can to enhance the prospect of the parties
negotiating the problem out among themselves. It is not the role
of the U.S. to pressure Israel. At the same time, it is in Israel's
interest to resolve the issue. Both sides have got to find a way
to give something.
Q. In Nicaragua how will you continue to support the contras?
A. You will have to continue to support them through humanitarian
assistance. It also seems to me that we should not just march in
and disband the contras. We need to at least leave open the
prospect they could be re-established as a fighting force if Ortega
continues to thumb his nose at his neighbors.
Q. Can you leave the contras in Honduras?
A. There are some problems with that.
Q. Where might you base them?
A. I don't have any recommendations right now.
Q. How about putting them on your Texas ranch?
A. Actually, there's some pretty good remote country down there
where we could hide a bunch of them. Contra country.
Q. Might you talk to the Soviets about cutting their
commitments to the Sandinistas?
A. It's pretty much been policy not to negotiate with the
Soviets on matters affecting this hemisphere. (But) my own view is
that we ought to recognize facts. The Soviets are putting in a
billion dollars a year supporting a regime that doesn't believe in
the things we believe in. So we shouldn't automatically exclude the
possibility of talking to them.
Q. How do you feel about the possibility of the (right-wing)
ARENA party coming to power next month in El Salvador?
A. The test should be: Was the election open, free and fair?
If it was, then we should recognize the government that results.
We can't pick the winners of elections in all countries around the
world, but we can be in favor of democracy and do what we can to
promote openness, democracy, pluralism and human rights.
Q. What is your philosophical attitude about pre-emptive
strikes against terrorists?
A. I have absolutely no problems with that philosophically.
Sometimes such strikes are not only justified but almost required.
Q. Are you satisfied with the way the European allies are
sharing the burden of Western defense?
A. They are beginning to do more and more. The Japanese are as
well. What I can't say is they're doing all now that they should
(be doing) for the next four years.
Q. Are you concerned about Europe's plans for unification of
its markets in 1992?
A. It has the potential to go in a beneficial or detrimental
way. It could be very beneficial if, in the process of breaking
down internal barriers, it doesn't erect external barriers to the
U.S., Japan and other non-European countries. It's up to us to
manage the relationship properly so it goes the right way.
Q. In your senior thesis at Princeton, you wrote that Britain's
Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was hobbled by relying too heavily
on permanent advisers. Is that a problem for you at the State
Department?
A. This is one department, I'm told, that tends to capture you
if you're not careful. I hope to be very careful. I want to be the
President's man at the State Department, instead of the State
Department's man at the White House.